Investigating the remains of “viking age” human sacrifices – on the example of Ljungbacka cemetery, Oxie hundred, Scania

Fascinating asigment for archaeology of religion course, from this version all footnotes are gone. You can grive for your lose in silience, because all additional examples listed there will remain a mystery until I figure out how to use blogger. This day may never come. The asigment is due on tuesday, so if you have any coments that might ifluence the paper, pleas do not restrain yourself.

Investigating the remains of “viking age” human sacrifices – on the example of Ljungbacka cemetery, Oxie hundred, Scania

In this paper interpretation of double burials, mass burials and depositions of human remains in viking age graves as human sacrifices will be critically examined, taking as a starting point of the discussion the cemetery at Ljungbacka. Theoretical approaches, focused on burial ceremony as a complex transforming process, where new identity for the dead is created (Beck - Danielsson 2007, 250; Ekegren 2006, 109; Mansurd 2006; 133; Oestigaard 2000, 42; Oestigaard 2006, 17; Williams 2008, 240) will be used, and focus will be placed on the descendants as agents, as well as on a social group as the overseer of the norms and structure (Ekegren 2006, 112; Nilson Stutz 2006, 96; Nilson Stutz 2008, 19ff, Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 27).

Structuring and legitimizing role of rituals and memories embodied through performance and materialized in monuments will be stressed as well (Hållans - Stenholm 2006, 431; Nilson Stutz 2008, 25; Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 37; Pedersen 2006, 351; Svanberg 2003a, 145). However, monument will not be perceived as a static resting place for the corpse (Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 2), but as an active spot, where different actions directed towards different outcomes took place (Beck - Danieslsson 2007, 269f).

Sacrifice is defined as an act of symbolic action that transforms the relationship of sacrificer, gods and the community by consecration of the victim (Oestigaard 2000, 42). The presence of the victim, that actually needs to be dispatched, will be the main difference between the sacrifice and other forms of ritual deposition (Berggren 2006, 303f). Funeral will be analyzed here as possessing both social and “religious” dimension (Fhalander & Oestigaard 2006, 5). Rituals will be understood in a manner characteristic for practice theory - as a social action that differentiate itself strategically from other social action, being a privileged practice (Svanberg  2003a, 146ff). Funerary rites will be understood as directed towards the certain outcome, in both social and religious dimensions. In the first case they will be seen as a mean to recreate and reestablish, or establish and create new social order (Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 29) and in the second to transform the dead (Beck-Danielsson 2007, 250) to an ancestor and deliver the new being in his best condition to an optimal destination in the afterlife (Kristoffersen & Oestigaard 2006, 113ff).

Archaeological record will be considered here as the primary source, most accurate, since it can be viewed upon as materialization of the ritual practices (Nilson Stutz 2006, 95ff; Carlie 2006, 206). This record will be treaded as a basis for building a hypothesis based on the theoretical assumptions and models (Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 5). Written sources will be considered a source of secondary importance.

The main reservation towards this kind of record are drawn from the nature of the old norse religion. The term “religion” was an foreign concept for old norse society, matters of belief were a part of term forn siđr that encapsulated legal customs, ownership marks and general rules of behavior (Andrén et al. 2006, 12). These ideas probably were highly differentiated on levels of chronology, regionally, social hierarchy and individual concepts (Schjødt 2009, 10ff). The written sources, such as eddaic poems and sagas, written down on Iceland after conversion to christianity probably reflect the ideology of the upper-class of society (Schjødt 2009, 15) and are definitely male biased (Beck - Danielsson 2007, 30). Probably the same can be stated about the other category of used written evidence - the medieval scandinavian law codes, that might have posses some evidence about older legal customs (Sawyer 2000, 19). Third category of written evidence used in this paper are the relations of the arabic travelers and traders that encountered norseman, mostly in the area of present day Russia. The main problem with these account except the general distance from the area in question, is the fact that most probably all the writers had to use interpreters, what could lead to obscuring of the meaning of the witnessed action (Sawyer 2000, 28). Also they were focused on behaviors that they found strange and amusing.

Written accounts of human sacrifices

Researchers investigating the act of sacrificing humans at the “viking age” funerals most often use the relation of Ibn Fadalan, who described in detail the killing of a young girl on a funeral of Rus chieftain to interpret the double inhumation graves (Anderson 1960; 26; Hemmendorf 1984, 7; Ramskou 1965, 86; Samuelsson 1998, 15). Other arabic authors writing about the events of human sacrifices at the funeral ceremonies most often mention woman being burned on a pyre or buried alive (Jesch 1994, 118f).

From sources regarding the western part of Europe the description of god’s Baldr funeral in Snorri’s Strulusson Gylfaginning can be mentioned, when his wife, Nanna joins him at his funeral ship and dies and is later burned funeral pyre. After that Thor kicks a dwarf named Litr in to it. Another work done by the Icelnadic author was used to interpret the victims as parts of burial goods - the Ynglingasaga. where the Law of Odin describes that goods placed on the funeral pyre and the ones placed in the ground will be among the possession of the deceased when he reaches Valhalla (Ulriksen 2011, 162). In eddaic poem Sigurđarkviđa in skamma on the pyre with Sigurd and Brynhild five slave girls and seven high born servants are placed. The whole ceremony can be described as similar to a wedding (Petrukhin 2007, 68). There are many accounts of human sacrifices taking place out of funerary context, written down by christian authors. Thietmar of Merssburg describes sacrifices taking places in Ljere and Adam of Bremen writes about similar events at Gammla Uppsala. Saxo Gramaticus wrote about Norwegian jarl Hakon sacrificing his sons to ensure a positive outcome of a battle (Oestigaard 2000, 53).

I would like to focus on the evidence of ancestor worship in the written evidence, since it is often neglected, and the heroic and war related topics are stressed in archaeological interpretations. In Landnámabók and Erbyggja saga, where two settlers Thorlof Mostrar-skegg and his son Thorsteinn Torskabitr believed that after their death they will enter a special mountain, where they will leave and feast among their ancestors (DuBois 1998, 76). Landnámabók also describes the descendants of Aud the Deep Minded that began worshiping her, believing that they will join her in the hill in which she was buried. They made sacrifices and build temples for her (DuBois 1998, 76). From East Scandinavian context a similar case of a dead leader, who becomes worshiped was recorded by Rimbert in Vita Anskarii. The former subjects of a King Erick, living in the vaccinates of Birka, began building the temples and honoring him with the sacrifices, claiming that gods that own the land has elected him to join them (Sawyer 2000, 113). In the description of the funeral written by Ibn Fadalan, when the girl is lifted over a special construction she sees her dead master and her forefathers calling her to join them.

Studying of medieval law codes provides evidence of people using the grave to establish contact with the dead (Beck - Danielsson 2007, 249; Zacharisson 1994, 222) and many sagas the dead are described as active, living inside the burials (DuBois 1998, 77; Gansum 2008, 141). This can point to a conclusion that ancestorised dead played an important part in the pre-christian word view and were still integrated in the world of “living” (Beck-Danielsson 2007, 249; Carlie 2006, 209; Svanberg 2003a, 136). It will be argued that on this basis, human social identity was established in a relation to the dead, and the acts of deposition of human remains, among others at the Ljungbacka cemetery, can be viewed as ritualized materialization of a bond between a living descendant and an ancestor.

Being a free man in the viking society

Belonging to a family was a crucial aspect of social identity during the “viking age”, since the communities were composed of family groups (Varenius 2002, 249). The low social position of slaves was in fact caused by the fact that they were not protected as a part of the family (Brink 2008, 50) and act of freeing a slave was connected to publicly acknowledging him as a part of kin group on a ting site or later at the church (Sawyer 2000, 39). Because of the weak central administrative power, all legal matters were dealt by communities on a daily basis, and an individual had to really on his family group for protection and execution of his rights (Klamring 2010, 281).

This emphasis on community as a guardian of order is proven by the fact that the old Icelandic word for society in fact translates to “our law” (Svanberg 2003a, 130f). The law regulated matters like inheritance, marriage and penalties, but because community possessed also a spatial dimension, also matters like access to commons and outland resources. A piece of property that legitimize person as a member of the community and free person was Ođal (Svanberg 2003a, 131; Zacharisson 1994, 222). It is a complex term, that can be described as ancestral land, that have been inherited in the family for generations. It is regarded to be one of the most fundamental concepts in the mentality of the old norse people (Zacharisson 1994, 219ff). From medieval norwegian laws we can deduce that it was inherited mostly in a male line, daughters were supposed to inherit other part of the property, and always the oldest son was expected to receive the main family farm. The act of receiving the ođal was symbolized by son taking his father high seat, that was empty since his death and drinking a special “inheritance ale” (Zacharisson 1994, 220ff).

Site description

Ljungbacka cemetery lays in the northern part of Locarp, in the Oxie Hundred in Scania, 8,5 km from the current shore line, next to an ancient road and close to an older bronze age burial mound (Samuelsson 1998, 4; Samuelsson 2001, 81). Road was probably used since neolithics, connecting among others Lund and Uppåkra with the area of Trellborg (Samuelsson 2001, 90). Locating cemeteries near roads and older burial mounds was quite common custom during the late iron age in the southern Scandinavia (Pedersen 2006, 348ff). The visibility of the burial place seems to be of great importance (Svanberg 2003,5).

Cemetery was excavated on the rescue basis in four excavation campaigns between 1976 and 1987 however it was never excavated completely. It has been transformed into park that is protected archaeological area. (Samuelsson 1998, 4; Samuelsson 2001, 90). It should be noted that the site was a cultivated area  before the excavation campaigns took place and that could be seen as a factor limiting the preservation the cemetery. The fact that excavations were not conducted as a one project have lead to inconsistencies in reports that surely affected the interpretations (Samuelsson 2001, 90).

There are no well preserved “viking age” cemeteries in south-western Scania (Svanberg 2003b, 85). In case of Ljungbacka, even though conditions of preservation were far from perfect, many interesting observations have been made. In total 191 graves were excavated in which 31 were inhumations and 160 cremation burials, all of them were located around the burial mound, but only on the western part of the old road. The graves seems to form at least five small groups (Samuelsson 1998,8; Samuelsson 2001, 100). In case of Ljungbacka an idea was proposed to connect the groups with nearby settlements, by correlating chronologies of sites (Samuelsson 2001, 100ff). This seems to correspond to the normal practice in south Scancinavia, where cemeteries were supposed to be used by communities larger than family groups or single farms (Svanberg 2003a, 148). Another tempting interpretation, not excluding the idea of cemetery groups reflecting the spatial relations of society, would be the idea of groups of burials as a reflection of family groups.

The Ljungbacka cemetery on a basis of a small number of discovered artifacts and the presence of the hearth graves can be dated from the Vendel period to the end of the 10th century, with majority of the graves belonging to the “viking age” (Samuelsson 2001, 94-100).

Speaking about burial rites in south-west Scania one need to remember that only 44 inhumations can be dated to this period on basis of artifacts found in graves and another 2 have been dated using the radiocarbon dating. This means that there are no cremation graves that can be easily associated with the “viking age”. This fact may lead to the conclusion that the inhumation was a dominant burial custom in this area during this time period (Svanberg 2003a, 165-167)

In the case of Ljungbacka some of the cremation burials can be dated to the “viking age” because of their stratigraphic relation with the inhumation burials dated to this period (Svanberg 2003b, 87).

Another distinctive feature of the west Scanian burial custom according to F. Svanberg is the use of human sacrifices (Svanberg 2003a, 165-167). Ljungbacka cemetery seemed to be a proper choice to investigate that question with six graves showing sings of burial of more than one person (Samuelsson 1998, 14; Samuelsson 2001, 91ff) and thirteen showing traces of burned bones and of the funeral pyres residue either as mixed part of the burial pit fills or as distinguishable deposits (Samuelsson 1998, 16-18). To understand relation that occurs in the feature identified as a double burial it is crucial to make a distinction between simultaneous interment and accidental cutting of a newer grave in to older structure (Skaarup 1989, 4-8; Ulrikssen 2011, 187-188). Another category may be an intentional overlay of graves that may carry some religious and socio-symbolic significance. On the Ljungbacka cemetery there is no evidence of graves that are intersecting in way that could be explained as an accidental cutting in to the older structure, damaging older burial. This careful planing seems mysterious since no external monuments above the burials were recorded (Samuelsson 1998,18; Samuelsson 2001, 91).

Both cremations and inhumations could be double burials (Hemmendorf 1984, 11), but the focus in this paper will be placed on inhumations, since this type of burial was used most extensively when discussing the problem of “slave sacrifices in the viking age”. Moreover, detecting double cremation burials is extremely difficult (Randsborg 1984, 155). Some remarks on the interpretation of overlaying cremations over inhumations and burned human bones found in the fillings of burial pits will be presented. The closer examination of the graves, connected with hypotheses on the structure of past society might provide other interpretations than just slave sacrifice, that might be valid in a wider context of burial traditions of Scania and prehistoric Denmark.

Inhumation burials containing unburned human remains

As perviously mentioned, six inhumation burial was identified as mass grave or double grave (Samuelsson 1998, 14).

The inhumation no. 7 contained remains of an adult individual with remains of child’s teeth (Samuelsson 1998, 14). The remains were placed in a rectangular pit, from which 1,35 long and 0,60 m width trace remained. The pit was 12 cm deep when it was excavated. The grave was oriented on a line northeast - southwest. The skeleton of the adult was probably placed in the grave with bent legs. A spindle wholre was found in the grave (Samulesson 1998, 59).

The grave 21 was damaged during the excavations but it probably contained bodies of two adults aged from 18-25 and 25-35. The outline of the grave pit was 2,6 x 1.25 m and 10 cm deep. In the fill small stones were found and a black colored patch of earth with dimensions 50x30 cm in which burned bones were found. The bones of the skeletons were spread all over the pit, because of the disturbance during the excavation work. The grave contained relatively large number of grave goods: a bronze penannular brooch, two iron knifes, iron nail, a whole ceramic vessel, a whetstone of slate and an unidentified iron object (Samuelsson 1998, 60).

Another damaged during the initial stage of excavation grave - grave no. 23 contained two bodies placed one over another in an oval pit 1,65 x 1 m and 90 cm deep. The fill of the grave contained large amounts of charcoal and burned bones. One of the bodies, located in the upper part of the fill was decapitated and his head was placed between his legs. Body was oriented on axis southeast - northwest. The man placed in the bottom of a grave was oriented on axis northwest - southeast. That deceased was around 30-40 years old at the time of death. The body was placed on back. Near the skeleton, in the upper part of the fill two iron knifes and a whetstone were found. The man in the lower part of grave was equipped with iron spurs, iron buckles, a knife, two unidentified iron objects and an animal tooth (Samuelsson 1998, 60)

Similarly positioned skeletons were discovered in grave no. 24, that was destroyed by the latter digging activity. In the upper layers of the fill of the grave pit of a shape of rectangle with rounded edges and dimensions 1,65 x 1,05 m and 90 cm deep, parts of at least one skeleton were found, together with two concentrations of soot, charcoal and burned bones, from which some were human. Near the bottom of a pit another skeleton was found, lying on back with folded arms, probably it was a middle aged man. The grave was oriented on axis north - south, and in the higher parts of the fill a knife and two iron mounts were found (Samuelsson 1998, 60; Svanberg 2003b, 291).

The grave number 26 was considered to be a mass grave since it contained more than two corpses. In an irregularly shaped pit measuring 2,05 x 1,80 m and 80 cm deep, oriented southwest - northeast two bodies were found. One of a man buried on his stomach with spread hands and his head to the east in the eastern part of the grave. The other of partially preserved skeleton belonged to man buried on his back, probably with the head to the north. The first deceased died at age of 50-60 years and the second one was over 20 years old. Next to the older man a key, a knife and a whetstone were found, together with two fragments of unidentifiable iron object. Next to the skeleton of the younger man another partially preserved iron artifact was found. A small amount of burned human bones was found in the grave (Samuelson 1998, 61).

Below this irregular pit another feature, named 26b was found - it was a rectangular pit oriented east-west, measuring 2,05 x 1 m, and around 1 m deep. The discoloring signalizing the fact that the coffin was used, together with skeleton of a woman, aged 45-55, were found. Remains indicated that she was buried on her back. The coffin measured probably 1,65 x 0,65. An iron hair pin, knife, a white opaque glass bead, whetstone, spindle wholre and a bone needle were found in the grave (Samuelsson 1998, 61)

Grave 28 consisted of a rectangular pit oriented in direction of northeast - southwest with dimensions 2 x 0,9 m and around 1,1 m deep. In the fill which consisted of black colored humus earth, four stones measuring from 40 to 60 cm and pieces of burned bones, including belonging to human were found. In the upper part of the fill pieces of skeleton of a man older than 20 years where found. Under a packing of stones another skeleton, positioned on its back with head towards northeast was found. It belonged to a man who was 35 to 40 years old. Two unidentifiable iron artifacts, a knife and a whetstone were found in the grave (Samuelsson 1998, 61).

Originally only graves 7, 23 and 26 were described as simulations burials, and other three examples were described as later deposition of human remains or secondary burial (Samuelsson 1998, 16). However author does not explain reasons for this classification. Only way of solving this questions would be to re-examine the excavation reports, because alternative interpretations are possible in the light of a lack of good description of the stratigraphy of the burials in easy accessible publications. It is possible to argue that graves 23, 24 and 28 are of similar type, since they display similar features, as positioning of bodies on different levels, mixing of human bones in their fills and very similar pit dimensions, including depth.

At least eleven similar graves with one dead placed over another, are known from Denmark, with large concentrations on the Islands of Zealand and Langeland (Nielsen 1991, 261). From Scanian examples a similar grave was found in Fjälkinge, were in a burial upper part a decapitated skeleton was found (Samuelsson 1998, 14).

Traditionally, inspired by the description of funeral ceremony witnessed by Ibn Fadalan in the area of present day Russia, graves of this type were interpreted as a burial of master with a slave to accompany him to the afterlife (Anderson 1960; 26; Hemmendorf 1984, 7; Ramskou 1965, 86; Samuelsson 1998, 15) The slave in that case supposed to signify the wealth of the family that was able to afford such extravagant act as a human sacrifice (Samuelsson 1998, 15). There are very convincing arguments against this interpretation. In arabic sources a term that describes the girls who are sacrificed at the funeral ceremonies is jaria, what can mean a concubine, servant or a slave. To complicate the matter further, the same therm is used to describe the old woman who kills the girl in the Ibn Fadalans account of Rus funeral (Petrukhin 2007, 67). The graves are located at rural cemeteries, that might be interpreted as belonging to peasant communities, and as such are not a fitting place for a burial of chieftain but it must be noted that there are no burials found that indicate a large demonstration of wealth in south west Scania (Nielsen 1991, 261). It is possible that Scanian upper class disposed of their dead in a way that is untraceable by archaeological methods or the rank was displayed without the use of lavish burial goods. Samuelsson stressed the fact that the burials with the probable human sacrifice are among the best equipped at the Ljungbacka cemetery (1998, 15). The burials are still quite modestly equipped comparing to surrounding regions, and examining them as a part of a broader horizon, together with the danish examples might point to conclusion that the difference of status between the upper deceased and the lower (who is most often interpreted as the “master”) is not really big. Nielsen proposed an interpretation of the burials as the ones of ritual specialist, buried with their assistants, however he did not produced convincing evidence to support his idea (1991, 261).

Low status of the accompanying lower burial can be also questioned, paradoxically on a basis of the new research that claims to confirm it. In two double burials from Falkstad on Lofoten in Norway a complete skeleton and a decapitated one were found. All the artifacts retrieved from the burials were very modest. The analysis of stable isotopes from the remains found in before mentioned burials, as well other eight found on the site has been conducted. It is established that seven individuals, including the decapitated ones were living on diet that included mostly marine source of protein. Same diet was confirmed for two samples taken from a dog remains. Three individuals buried in two double and one mass grave displayed different dietary history, with higher terrestrial protein intake, with one individual showing a change towards marine diet at later stages of his life (Nauman et al.  2014, In press). The results were interpreted as displaying a difference in a rank between the people buried intact and the decapitated ones. This seems as a reasonable interpretation, however the researchers have clearly stressed a lack of difference between the decapitated people and people buried in single burials that contained some grave goods, what did not stopped them form labeling the decapitated individuals as slaves, on a basics of the questionable evidence of their intentional killing during the burial ceremony (Nauman et al. 2014, in press). The fact that the slave status is not necessary to be sacrificed or executed was observed by many scholars, and seems to contradict the research results (Randsborg 1984, 155; Wilson 2008, 34).

One way of escaping those problems it to acknowledge the theoretical developments in the mortuary archaeology. All the interpretations above still have a tendency to try to “read” the graves in a futile chase of individual social persona displayed through graves goods and burial methods, continuing the ideas of Lewis Binford (Ekegren 2006, 109; Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 7; Oestigaard 2006, 10f) or sometimes acknowledging the agency of the descendants but treating it only in lines of expression of wealth and social rank. Shift towards more dynamic approach can be  observed – shift that reads the burial as an outcome of a funeral which consisted of set of rituals, probably treated as a necessity (Fahlander & Oestigaard 2008, 6) to help the dead achieve a desired state and the destination (Ekegren 2006, 109; Kristofersson & Oestigaard 2006, 113). During this ceremonies a new being is created, that dissolves the boundaries between objects, animals and humans used in the burial (Beck-Danielson 2007, 267ff; Wiliams 2001, 206). This idea can solve the problem with interpretation of the burials. In light of these conceptions, the human sacrifice is just a part of a larger event, that can be viewed as propitory sacrifice, where the actual deceased, after the transformation can be seen as the thing or person actually received by gods or ancestors (Oestigaard 2000, 43). Following this theory, the “additional” body should be viewed as a materialization of a ritual practice, a part of “spiritual technology” (Beck-Danielson 2007, 265), not a grave good expressing the status. The meaning of the ritual is far beyond the reach of archaeologist (Nilsson Stutz 2006, 95) but focusing on what actually happened might provide researchers with useful ideas. In case of the inhumation graves from Ljungbacka, two scenarios can be proposed. One in a case if the grave can be regarded as a result of simultaneous deposition of two bodies from which one bears traces of intentional killing, and another that involves deposition of the human remains in the older grave some time after burial. Due to the lack of access to any kind of stratigraphical records both hypothesis are possible in case of all double burials.

If the the funeral ceremony contained an element of killing someone, his post-mortem status as a person of a lower standing might be assumed, since this person could be seen as being objectified, however this event alone do not convey any evidence about the person’s social standing during its life. Looking at the grave through the ideas of it being the outcome of intentional, ritualized, but at the same time directed towards an outcome, process it can be doubted if ranks should be discussed as new identity for the dead is created. The second hypothesis, discussing the other ideas about the “ritual deposition” of the human remains will be discussed further with ideas about the possible interpretation of the burned human remains in graves from Ljungbacka cemetery.

Burned human remains in the fills of the inhumations

Interesting phenomena was encountered in thirteen burials at Ljungbacka cemetery - different quantities of burned human bones were encountered in thirteen burials. In most cases the weight of human bones excavated from the fill is smaller than 10 g (Samuelsson 1998, 16). In the cremation graves found on the cemeteries this amount varied from less than one gram to 53,6 g (Samuelsson 1998, 32). Most of the burials that display that features are simply equipped inhumations. In some other cases there are least one cremation grave overlaying the inhumation. All of the overlaying graves are cremation pits, defined as a cut filled with humus, burned bones, soot, charcoal and in some cases grave goods. Burned bones were also noticed in the fills of the graves containing supposed human sacrifice (Samuelsson 1998, 16).

In couple of cases the burned bones were found in concentrations. The concentrations in grave no. 6 were very peculiar since they were rectangular, what might point to the usage of some sort of organic container for the remains. Similar features, but without identified human burned bones were found in grave no. 17 (Samuelsson 1998, 16). In cases where the secondary burial is unobservable the interpretation is the intentional deposition during filling the grave.

Often this kind of mixed material in the grave fill was interpreted as remains of older cremations destroyed by the inhumation grave (Samulesson 1998, 16; Ulriksen 2011, 189) and this is possible interpretation, but not in case of cemeteries without cremation graves or grave groups on the cemeteries that do not have cremation graves within them - as it is in case of Ljungbacka (Samulesson 1998, 16).

F. Svanberg in his work discussing the burial rituals in south-eastern Scandinavia proposed that the difference in status between cremation burials and inhumation burials in Scania is observable. Further he assumed that “lower” status of cremated individual is evident if the burial is situated in the fill of the inhumation grave, and that probably it was a slave cremated during its master funeral ceremony (Svanberg 2003, 89). It is a possible interpretation, but in my opinion unlikely, if more modern theoretical approach is used to the study of cremation burials.

The lack of esthetic appeal of inhumation remains, and the idea of cremations as an evidence of low scientific value had convinced numerous archaeologist that it is a “poor man burial” (Williams 2008 239-240). This focus on modest, empirically experienced remains fail to recognize them for what they really are - an evidence of a complex process, that occurs on a technological, social and spiritual level and has to be viewed as an act of transformation and probably creation of a being (Oestigaard 2000, 42; Williams 2008, 252f). Archaeologist focused on a burial have just access to a final step of a funeral, that consisted of series of rituals (Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 6), that could take place at different times and at different places, making the parts of ritual display even more efficient (Williams 2008, 246). In the case of cremations at least three stages can be proposed: cremation, intermediate period of varied length and the burial of the remains (Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 44). Encountering the final stage of deposition of the remains, in his interpretation, Svanberg fails to recognize this temporal span that was probably tied to construction of the cremation burial, and focuses on its modest appearance and general lack of burial equipment. The difference between so called “pyre goods” and “grave goods” is well known to archaeologist, some artifacts were excluded from the deposition in the cremation graves. As concerning the lack of monumentality in the burial - the pyre can be considered as a temporary monument allowing the display of the deceased (Williams 2008, 246) in his “staged” appearance, that might have possessed some even more dramatic, interactive features. Another weakness of judging the burials according to the number and quality of grave goods is the fact that in his categories of burial equipment F. Svanberg focused on most durable goods like jewelry, weapons and riding gear, tools etc - mostly objects made of metal. This way of thinking excludes the idea that in some cases the burned earth and stone from the cremation site might have been considered as a grave good (Williams 2008, 243), as well as ignores the importance of perishable goods like i.e food (Beck-Danielson 2007, 271ff). This all indicated that the rank can not be judged on a basis of a choice between cremation or inhumation. There are however even more problems if we want to address the issue of simultaneous deposition of cremation remains and the creation of the inhumations.

Cremation can be viewed as a process that speeds up the natural transformations occurring in the cadaver (Nilsson-Stutz 2006, 23), removing the flesh, often considered as impure (Oestigaard 2000, 43), and bringing the remains to a state in which further transformation is unnoticeable, what can create a sense of transformed bones being ethereal (Beck-Danielson 2007, 252). Cremated remains in this state could have been kept without depositing them in the ground for long periods of time. The idea about the simultaneous deposition of the inhumations and cremation remains in their fills can be based on a fact that in most cases at Ljungbacka burned bones are deposited with the pyre remains (Samuelsson 1998, 13) and spread loosely in the pit. However, in the case of two burials - nr 6 and nr 17 the regular shape of cremation patches suggests that they were placed in the graves in a container (Samuelsson 1998, 16). It might be possible that remains of the pyre, as well as cremated bones were kept for later deposition in inhumation graves.

It is possible to question the idea of looking at the cremation remains deposited in the inhumations fills as a type of burial, or even to question interpretation of the “cremation graves” as the place where the dead body was deposited. Cremation of the human body produces from 1,500 to 2,500 g of remains, and in Scandinavia amount from around half of that weight to 10 g is found in graves. There is no clear definition of a cremation burial but the necessary items in distinguishing one are usually grave goods and burned human bones (Ulriksen 2011, 190). Archaeologist are pointing now days to many cases when human burned bones were excavated from other contexts than burials, mentioning cooking pits, hearths, property boarders, postholes and the thresholds of houses (Beck-Danielson 2007, 245). Since in newer approach towards mortuary archaeology transformative role of funeral is stressed I would argue that instead of looking for the individual with a status in a small amount of deposited cremation remains, it is necessary to turn the researchers attention to its probable other function than creating final resting place for the dead. Ethnographic research supports this idea with evidence of cremation remains being drowned in water, displayed above ground, kept at home, used to build statues and create portable artifacts or even being consumed (Wiliams 2008, 243).

On a basis of evidence of bones of unidentifiable species being used as a temper in ceramic vessels, (for example at Gudme) and the idea that bones, including human, might have been used in the process of carbonization of iron to create steel it is possible to argue that they might have been viewed upon as possessing transformational qualities or even regenerative power (Beck-Danielson 2007, 242ff). Two stories form Old Norse mythology comes to mind –first is the idea of world being created from the bones of Ymir and second the story of god’s Thors goats that regenerate themselves from their bones after being eaten. If the funeral should be viewed as implementation of “spiritual technology” with an outcome of incorporating the transformed dead to the society and a creation of special place of contact between the two worlds, usage of items with such powerful properties might have been necessary.

In the light of written sources two interpretations of the phenomena were proposed - a symbolical following of the Odin’s law or a faster way to after life. Another interpretation is looking at animal bones as remains of helping spirits (Ulriksen 2011, 191). Traces similar to described above were also interpreted as residues of cult connected to ancestors (Nielsen 1991, 251). I would like to  extrapolate this idea to propose different interpretation of the phenomena, proposing a function for it that might have been important for the social understanding of the funeral ceremony. It is beyond doubt that it carried cosmological meanings, however they might be beyond reach of archaeology. In the light of my hypothesis, deposition of burned, but as well unburned human remains in grave can be seen as legitimization of inheritance rooted in ancestral cult.

Performance of Kinship

The one of the most important ideas about ancient Scandinavian societies is the idea that being a part of it was a highly desired state. The idea of belonging seemed to have its spatial equivalent in the concept of Ođal, which possession made a person being counted among the free man (Svanberg 2003a, 132). Discussing the elaborate “ridders graves” from Denmark Nielsen introduced a concept that the ceremonies were used to stressed passing of a chieftains property to one person, who inherited it as a whole to prevent splitting of land (1991, 246-257). I would argue that element of stressing the inheritance and creating a traceable linage might be observable in less elaborately equipped burials from Denmark and Scania.

When a person dies it ceases to exist as a social being (Nilsson Stutz 2006, 23), and because its identity was created as a dynamic relation between the people (Mansurd 2006, 133; Oestigaard 2006, 14) a new relation between the new, transformed being created by the funeral ceremony and the society must be established in order to rebuild and restructure the society (Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 29). By the rituals executed in a right way the new order gains a divine legitimation (Beck-Danielson 2007, 278; Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 10; Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 31, Savnberg 2003a, 145), and by experiencing participation an embodied memory could be created, that could help to internalize the recreated structure (Nilsson Stutz 2006, 25).

As living body do not posses an essential nature, only qualities created by culture and language (Nilsson Stutz 2006, 19) and qualities as gender have to been seen as a performance and I would argue that non essentialistic approach towards kinship is also needed. For it to be recognized, the bodies have to act according to social norms tied to a particular relation. Since the cadaver has a very limited abilities to “perform” his role as a kinsman this relation has to be stressed by the descendants. Cemeteries, as places occupying a visible position in the landscape connected to roads could be perceived as a perfect stage for this kind of “performance”. Funerals, as ceremonies that  probably gathered large part of community, could be used by descendants to play out the relations with the deceased (Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 32).

Ownership of the land was probably tied to and marked by location of the grave (Zacharisson 1994, 220). This could been marked by overlaying one grave on the other, as a mean to construct the memory (Hållans - Stenholm 2006, 341), and this phenomena is known from central Sweden, where it occurs in burial mounds (Zacharisson 1994, 229), but also from “flat” cemeteries in Denmark (Ulriksen 2011, 186). This can provide a straightforward explanation for the cremation graves that were created in the fillings of inhumations as a later cuts at cemetery at Ljungbacka. A more nuanced approach is needed to theorize about the placing of burned remains in the fills of burial.

Since the “viking” society can be generally viewed upon as non-literate society a performance significance in creation of cultural boundaries and institutions must be stressed (Oestigaard & Goldhahn 2006, 37). Ritualization of certain places in the landscape and charging them with meaning might also be perceived as a mean to create a mnemonic device that can help to recall the   parts of the structure of society, including genealogy. In kinship based societies often the collective identity of the group is the most important (Mansurd 2006, 133). Genealogical links between the dead could have been stressed by deposition of cremation remains or body parts in the graves during the inhumation burials, materializing the bond between them and an agent performing the ritual. The bones might have been kept at homes, or might have been retrieved from the burials, since signs of opening of the graves have been found (Beck-Danielson 2007, 247). Monument created in the process could have been used as an evidence in judicial context, since later medieval sources describing the the conflicts over the inheritance of the Ođal describe people having to trace their genealogy back to the “burial mounds and paganism” (Zacahrisson 1994, 221). In this context remembering where who is buried was crucial.

Genealogies are often repeated in a sagas, when a new hero is introduced, his family connections are often described, also on rune stones the relation with the deceased is often stressed. In that context in can be clearly seen, that cadaver, transformed in some sort of ancestral being, forms a part of the framework that helps an individual to locate himself in the social structure (Beck-Danielson 2007, 267). The graves from Ljungbacka cemetery can be viewed as materialization of that framework.

Conclusion

By focusing on the funeral as a complex process (Fhalander & Oestigaard 2008, 6), abandoning the modern, “western” approach towards personhood and identity as autonomous and individual (Mansurd 2006, 133) and stressing the fact that trough burial rites a new being and place is created (Beck - Danielsson 2007, 269f) a new interpretations for set of burials from Ljungbacka can be proposed. It proves that the double burials can be interpreted differently than a sign of human sacrifice connected to the displays of status. The attempts to rank the buried men according to their position during their life might be misleading (Svanberg 2003b, 93f). Concentrating on the identity maintaing and creating actions that are done by descendants produces a possibility to create a model populated by the living, not staged buried beings that are the dead.

The model presented in this paper focused around the idea of inheritance of ođal and performing kinship should be viewed as preliminary. There are many shortcomings that needs to be addressed, starting from better examination of the archaeological records and reports to analyze the stratigraphy of the burials. A methodological reflection here is needed, and more attention should be paid to careful excavations of the inhumation fills in the future. The new studies have shown that in Denmark the burial ritual and cult of the dead might have left traces such as deposition of burned and unburned human and animal bones, re-opening of the graves to add more dead or to take something from the grave and creating overlaying burials (Ulriksen 2011, 200). Only detail documentation and careful and skillful excavation can illuminate those rites in more detail.

The new interpretation, since it is created on a basis of a model of social relations based on written sources shares their gender and social bias. Hopefully in the future it will be possible to created more multi voiced narration. The ideas proposed in this paper are focused on analyzes of rural communities, and since during the late iron age urban environments started to emerge the question of relation of their occupants to their dead and land would be a most interesting research subject to consider. In many cases the trading centers started as places occupied only seasonally, but as place visited by a large number of people they might have been consider a better “stage” to perform relations.

The paper can be view as a-chronological and not descriptive enough, but to provide description or a chronology was not my purpose. The arguments were directed towards creating alternatives in interpretations, that I believe are more established in modern approaches towards the mortuary archaeology, than the previous interpretation. Hopefully by recognizing complexity of funerary rites the oversimplifying approach will be replaced with an idea of presenting multiple narrations.

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